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The Life of Shivaji Maharaj: Founder of the Maratha Empire

Adil Shahi Nobles Discomfited

N.S. Takakhav 1

1.Wilson College, Bombay

17-03-2018
24-09-2017
24-09-2017
24-09-2017

Graphical Abstract

Highlights

Abstract

Keywords

1 . Adil Shahi Nobles Discomfited

The terror of Shivaji’s name was now felt in all parts of the Bijapur kingdom. The defeat of Afzul Khan was followed by the rapid conquest of several forts and rural tracts in the neighbourhood. On the announcement of Afzul Khan’s invasion, the Abyssinian chief of Janjira had lost no time in laying siege to the Konkan forts of Tala and Ghosala. The report of Afzal Khan’s tragic end coming quickly on the heels of the first report had induced him to raise the siege of both these places. Shivaji put his army in motion to punish the Abyssinians. But an opportunity for the conquest of Panhala having unexpectedly supervened Shivaji’s forces were drawn in that direction.

For the officer in charge of this important fortress had of his own initiative opened communications with Shivaji and signified his intention to place the fort at Shivaji’s disposal. This was a matter of surprise. That the commander of such an impregnable fort should without any suggestion on his part offer to make such a proposal naturally excited suspicion. Was he sincere? Was he acting thus at the dictation of the Bijapur authorities? It was necessary to ascertain that there was no plot or stratagem at the bottom of this offer. But the capture of this fort was bound to be of incalculable advantage, and it was worth attempting. A Mavali battalion was at once got ready under a trusty general. He was ordered to start for the fort in answer to the invitation. The choice had fallen upon Annaji Datto. Shivaji in person started with a larger force of infantry and cavalry to station himself in the vicinity of thescene of Annaji’s operations to await the issue and support him in case of treachery. But there was no occasion for fighting. The governor of the fort kept his word. The fort was delivered unconditionally to Shivaji’s general in October, 1659.[1] The fort of Pavangad fell under similar circumstances. Vasantgad was captured by a sudden assault. The acquisition of these forts established Shivaji’s power on the upper courses of the Krishna. The revenues of these districts came into Shivaji’s hands. Revenue stations were appointed all over these newly conquered possessions. These stations extended in a line up to the miniature fortress of Battisshirala.

On the fall of Panhala Shivaji marched up to that fort and detailed his forces for the conquest of a number of little hill forts lying in all directions on the crest of the Sahyadri or the Western Ghats. Most of these fell without his generals being forced to strike a blow. But the forts of Rangna and Khelna had to be taken by storm. The conquest of Khelna indeed required tremendous sacrifices, in commemoration of which circumstance, Shivaji changed its name and it emerged on a new career of historical renown under the name of Vishalgad or Fort Tremendous. It has come down to our times under this name. All these acquisitions were made in little more than the space of two or three months after the Afzul Khan tragedy. Thus the fertile country of Kolhapur and its numerous fortresses came under Shivaji’s domination.

During these times the Bijapur government maintained an important military station at Miraj, the governor of which was a general named Rustom Jeman. His military control extended from Kolhapur to Ratnagiri and included a part of the Kanara district. This general, strange to say, presented no opposition to the onward expansion of Shivaji’s power within the sphere of his authority. Whether it be that he stood in such fear of Shivaji’s onslaught that he felt it more prudent to remain passive, or, as was alleged by the British merchants of the period at Rajapur, his silence and inactivity were purchased by a bribe, it is difficult to decide. But soon afterwards he received express orders from the sultan to take the field against Shivaji in defence of the district of Kolhapur. He had then under his command a force of three thousand horses with a small complement of infantry. He put himself at the head of these forces and marched upon Panhala. As soon as he drew near enough to the fort, Shivaji sallied out and charged with all his cavalry. So complete was Rustom’s defeat that he was driven beyond the Krishna and chased for many miles. The chase lasted almost to the gates of Bijapur. The larger towns on the way were plundered and destroyed, and the shops and markets laid under contribution. Having inflicted such immense damage on the Bijapur government Shivaji wheeled round with such amazing rapidity, that the enemy had no time to pursue his galloping columns. His celerity of movement did not permit even a thought of pursuit. 

On his return to Vishalgad, Shivaji put himself at the head of an infantry force, which had been kept ready in marching order by Annaji Datto under Shivaji’s advice. His present objective was Rajapur and the seaport towns in the Konkan.

The town of Rajapur was at first spared because, as the English merchants in the Rajapur factory wrote, this port belonged to Rustom Jeman with whom Shivaji had a secret understanding. Shivaji fell upon Dabhol and carried all the little stations dependent on its maritime fortifications. When he had refreshed and recruited his forces by a brief stay at Raigad he was ready to fall upon Cheul, a wealthy harbour town, which was plundered for three days in succession. The military governor of Cheul Khojoji by name, was taken prisoner, the town occupied and the booty transferred safely to Rajgad. Meanwhile the Adil Shahi refugees from the Konkan seaport had found shelter at Rajapur. The defeat of Rustom Jeman at Panhala had filled these refugees with great alarm. They had just heard rumours of Shivaji’s depredations in the neighbourhood of Bijapur, when they were astonished to learn that a flying column of Maratha horse was actually storming the gates of their own town. The local governor attempted to escape in one of Rustom Jeman’s cargo-ships. The Marathas tried to stop him. The governor pretended it was a cargo-ship of the East India Company. Henry Revington, the English Company’s agent, became a party to this collusion. He pretended that the ship was attached for unpaid debts owing by the governor to the Company. In reality there was only a private transaction between the governor and one of Revington’s brokers. He refused to restore the ship to the Maratha general. Upon this two of the Company’s brokers and an English factor, Philip Gyffard, were arrested and sent for detention to Kharepatan. Meanwhile Shivaji heard of these events at Rajapur, and condemned the attack upon the port. He ordered all the plunder taken from the citizens to be restored and the prisoners set at liberty, though it seems that Gyffard had been already rescued by a party of Revington’s mercenary soldiers, while being removed from Kharepatan to another fort. (February 1660). [2]

The discomfiture of two great generals of the Bijapur state, Afzul Khan and Rustom Jeman, of whom one had lost his life and the other had fled precipitately before Shivaji’s squadrons, filled the people of Bijapur with terror. Nor was this mitigated by the sweeping march of the Maratha leader to the gates of the capital carrying fire and sword. The name of Shivaji had now become a terror to every Mahomedan sardar and killedar in the Adilshahi kingdom. Their consternation was so great that it emboldened many an adventurous marauder to profess himself a follower of Shivaji, enter the Bijapur territory unresisted and unchallenged, and levy tribute and plunder with impunity. The tottering government was in utter despair. The omrahs of the court in their anxiety at the common peril forgot their civil dissensions for the present. No prominent general was forth-coming to take the field against Shivaji. It is said that Afzul Khan’s son Fazal was burning with desire to avenge his father’s death and continually clamoured for a campaign of vengeance against Shivaji. But even he did not dare to take the field alone. There was a party that suggested that the next campaign should be conducted directly under the auspices of the sultan himself, and that no single general, however great, could be entrusted with a task of such gravity. Others, on the contrary, declared that it would be derogatory to the crown that the sultan should take the field in person against a rebel that Shivaji’s rashness and craft might lead him to any extremities, and the sultan’s life and with it their honour would be in jeopardy.

Thus they remained in uncertainty looking for a champion who would deliver them. At last such a champion was discovered. He was a brave Sidi or Abyssinian of the name of Johar. The fields of the Karnatic bore testimony to his prowess. A quarrel with the sultan had led him to declare himself independent in the province of Kurnool. The sultan bore him a grudge on that score. Later on the endeavored to become reconciled with the sultan and tendered an apology for his behaviour in the past. The sultan now wrote to him in reply that he could purchase his pardon only by leading the Adil Shahi standards against Shivaji and returning in triumph after the complete overthrow of the Maratha leader. Greater honours, greater rewards would await his successful return. The Abyssinian joyfully accepted these conditions, and embarked on the new expedition. Fazal Khan accompanied him seeking revenge for his father’s death[3].

The forces sent down with Sidi Johar were considerably larger than any previously launched against Shivaji. Some say they were twice as many as Afzul Khan’s army. On the eve of his departure the sultan honoured the Abyssinian with a new title, Salabat Khan, the object being to enkindle his loyal devotion and enthusiasm upon which the success of the expedition so vitally depended. As to Fazal Khan, his desire for vengeance was a spur more potent than any title. While Shivaji was attacked on one side by these two generals, the Abyssinians of Janjira with tho co-operation of the chief of Sawantwadi were to make a diversion in the Konkan possessions of Shivaji. Such was the plan of the invasion. Sidi Johar and Fazal resolved to strike the first blow on Panhala. With this object they marched to that fort (May 1660). The arrangement was that Sidi Johar should complete the siege of Panhala and Fazal should descend the ghats into the Konkan to ravage Shivaji’s territory on the coast. About the same time the Moguls began their campaign under the lead of Shaista Khan.

Shivaji’s scouts promptly brought tidings of what was happening. Apprised of these hostile movements in good time, Shivaji issued orders for defensive preparations to be made in each fort and the armies to be on the alert. The tide of invasion was to be held back on all sides. Raghunathpant Korde was ordered to fight Sidi Fatteh Khan of Janjira in the Konkan; the defence of the Kalyan and Bhiwandi districts was imposed upon Abaji Sondev, the conflict with the Sawants of Wadi was entrusted to Baji Fasalkar. On the uplands of the ghats, there was Moropant Pingle in defence of Purandhar, Sinhagad, Pratapgad and other fortresses and the territory commanded by them; Shivaji in person was to conduct the defensive operations at Fort Panhala, and Netaji Palkar with the light cavalry was instructed to harass Sidi Johar from a distance and cut off his communications and supplies. Shivaji had undertaken the defence of Panhala in person owing to the news he had received from his scouts of the intention of the Bijapur leaders to concentrate their attack upon that fort. Concluding, therefore, that the major operations on the defensive must be centred in this spot, Shivaji had taken up this post. But the events proved that it would have been better if he had done otherwise.

Sidi Johar approached Panhala without opposition. Shivaji’s object was to bide his time and punish him only when he had advanced so far that retreat became impossible. When the Bijapur forces had at last encamped close before Panhala Netaji Palkar took the aggressive. He made midnight raids upon the Adil Shahi camp. He cut off their supplies and harassed them by falling upon their foraging parties. Netaji’s light cavalry used to emerge suddenly from a valley, burst upon those quarters of the hostile camp which seemed to be closely guarded, inflict immense slaughter and with lightning speed make good their escape before the enemy had time to think of pursuit, after discharging their mortar-bombs to add to the enemy’s confusion. Johar saw the first necessity of the campaign was to get rid of these skirmishing parties of Netaji. He therefore took the offensive against Netaji’s light horse killing all the skirmishers he could capture. But he soon found it an extremely arduous and interminable task to pursue and capture the Mavalis in that mountainous country. Having thus decided to let Netaji alone he concentrated the detachments which had been located in far-off stations and pressed forward the siege with greater rigour. Though the weather was unfavourable  for a siege, his cannonading never slackened for a moment. Strict orders were issued under no circumstances to permit any one from the garrison to emerge from the besieged fort nor any outsider to enter in. Nor was this all. It was proclaimed to all ranks of the besieging army that no Maratha combatant they might come across should be allowed to escape alive. Distinct units of watch-parties were constituted of privates and officers to mount guard in rotation both day and night, the object being that there should be no relaxation whatever in the maintenance of a strict blockade. He himself set an example of untiring vigilance in supervising the operations of the siege.

Thus Shivaji was closed in for four months. There seemed to be no chance of the siege being raised by the enemy. The besieging army was large enough to keep up a strict blockade and its discipline was of a most efficient order. Do what Netaji Palkar might in the way of raids and surprises, the besiegers’ efforts were not likely to grow weaker on that account. The cannonading from the brow of the fort, however steadily maintained, had little effect on the enemy. The worst of the situation was that the enemy had got news of Shivaji’s presence in the fort, and he was not likely to leave this quarry, however long it might stand at bay, in search of more ignoble game. Sidi Johar no doubt thought that sooner or later the fort must fall before him and with it Shivaji must come into his hands. He would thus easily achieve what had foiled so many generals before him. His prestige at the Bijapur durbar would be established beyond dispute. These ambitious thoughts kindled his vigour and enthusiasm. On the other hand, Shivaji’s foresight had made such ample preparations on the fort as might have sufficed for even a siege of over two years. There was no likelihood of any shortage of provisions or ammunition for that period even if his communications with the outside world were entirely cut off. What Shivaji chiefly regretted was that, being thus cooped up at Panhala, he was cut off from all sources of information as to how things were shaping themselves abroad and from issuing commands to his officers elsewhere. He therefore became very anxious to escape. Heavy siege lines encompassed him on all sides. There could be seen no weak point in the siege-works. To sally out and give battle was impossible, for the enemy far out-numbered the garrison. He had therefore to contrive his escape by daring and stratagem. With this view he opened communications with the Sidi stating that he was prepared to deliver the fort upon certain conditions, to state which he would himself come down to the lower slope, if the Sidi undertook to guarantee his safe return. The Sidi was overjoyed at the turn events had taken and willingly gave the guarantee. Shivaji attended by a small body-guard came down to the Sidi’s camp in the evening. At the conference Shivaji played a part which quite imposed upon the Sidi. First he consented to surrender the fort. The discussion then turned on the conditions of the surrender, and the principal articles of the treaty were settled after some discussion. By this time it was very dark, and adjourning the conference for the night to be resumed the following morning for the settlement of minor details, Shivaji returned to his fort.[4] The Sidi was relieved of his cares and felt quite jubilant at Shivaji’s submission and was ready to consent to any terms proposed by him. He concluded the war was now at an end and the fort as good as gained. He stopped the cannonading. The sentinels relaxed their watch and for the first time after a long period of tension gave themselves to mirth and frolic.

This was just what Shivaji wanted and for this it was that he had planned the meeting. With the flower of his bravest Mavalis, Shivaji slipped down the fort walls and marched right through the enemy’s sentinel outposts.[5] Amid their boisterous carousals this movement at first escaped their notice. But they soon observed that Shivaji had given them the slip and began to prepare themselves for pursuit. Meanwhile Shivaji had used his advantage to good purpose and made such speed that he was now abreast of Fort Vishalgad.[6] But now there followed a pursuit in deadly earnest. Fazal Khan, the son of Afzul and Sidi Aziz, the son of Johar[7] led the cavalry with the infantry following at a distance. It was not till sunrise however that they could come in sight of Shivaji’s fugitive squadron. When they first observed it, the squadron was dashing up a ghat about six miles from Vishalgad. Now that the pursuers had gained so much ground upon him, Shivaji thought it necessary to leave a detachment in the gorge below to hold the enemy in play. A corps of Mavalis was detached and told to occupy the gorge in the glen of Pandhare Pani or the White Water, through which the enemy had of necessity to pass if he wished to continue the pursuit. Shivaji himself continued his flight. A leader of heroic mettle, Baji Deshpande of Hirdas Maval, was left in command of these daring Mavalis. Five cannon-shots pealing from the brows of Vishalgad were to be a signal that the Maratha prince was safe in its towers. Till then the gallant Baji was to keep the enemy at bay. No better choice could have been made for such a perilous enterprise. Never was confidence in a general more brilliantly vindicated. There stood the gallant hero, with his 5000 Mavalis in a defile which became literally a valley of death, without shelter to right or left, under no cover but hedges of bramble and brushwood. The vanguard of pursuing cavalry were scattered by bullets and chain-shot. They kept at a respectful distance below the defile. But the infantry soon came up and desperately charged the Mavalis. The Mavalis met the charge with equal impetuosity. The charge was broken and the attacking columns were rolled back. They formed again this time with increased numbers, and delivered a second assault. But even this was beaten off by Baji Deshpande. The battle then became a hand-to-hand struggle and was fiercely disputed on both sides. The fighting had now lasted for three hours and the dauntless guardians of the pass had not yielded an inch of ground. The enemy was still at the foot of the defile, storming and raving with impotence. This annoyed Fazal Khan. He rallied his Karnatic infantry to a third charge more furious and obstinate, supported by artillery. By this time the Mavalis had been reduced to half their numbers and the enemy had lost nearly five thousand. Baji Deshpande, nothing daunted, advanced to meet the charge, but while rallying his men to the attack was struck down by a cannon-shot. Bravely had he stood his ground and before his death he had the satisfaction of knowing that he had done his duty. For Shivaji had reached the fort and the loyal Baji had the joy ere he closed his eyes in death of hearing the five signal shots from the guns of Vishalgad. His was the happy death of a patriot who died for his king and country. His work was done and that of the gallant brigade of his Mavalis. After the glorious death of their leader and the arrival of Shivaji at his destination their mission was ended. They made for the fort, following diverse paths, taking care to bear on their shoulders the mortal remains of their gallant general. At the cost of many lives they saved his body from the hands of a vindictive and sacrilegious foe. The Mahomedans did not dare to pursue them through the mazy tangle of those forests. (July, 1660).

The enemy occupied the gorge, filed through the pass, and presented himself at the foot of Vishalgad. It was the hottest part of the year. The streams had all dried up. The valleys under the fort were scarcely commodious enough to plant batteries for purposes of a regular siege. Fazal Khan began thus to weigh anxiously the risks and chances of a blockade. The risks were that Shivaji with his wonderful capacity for achieving the impossible might invent some plan for his destruction were he to establish his lines before his stronghold. Moreover Johar had no desire to raise the siege of Panhala only to transfer the batteries to a new scene at Vishalgad and go through the preliminaries of a siege all over again. Upon these grounds Fazal Khan gave up the idea of commencing a siege and returned to Panhala. But at Panhala, Shivaji having escaped, there was no strong motive to persevere doggedly in the siege. Shivaji was now free to counteract the designs of the besiegers. The monsoons were approaching, and their violence was more to be dreaded in these mountainous regions, especially by an army entrenched behind siege-works. Besides Raghunath Ballal who was entrusted with the command of the fort, when Shivaji effected his escape, was putting up a gallant defence. Shivaji had sent re-inforcements to co-operate with the garrison from without. When the besiegers advanced to plant batteries and storm the fort, these bands hovered round the rear of the enemy’s army from below and wrought much havoc, slaying and plundering all that came within their reach. Again when the van of the storming party ran down to meet the alarm on their rear, the garrison seized the occasion to wreck the batteries. Between this double fire Johar and Fazal Khan gave up all hope of carrying the fort by storm. They had one recourse left open to them, corruption. This they now resolved to try. They sent word to Raghunath Ballal that it would be to his advantage to surrender the fort and come over to the besiegers’ side. They would recommend him to the special favour of the Bijapur government. They promised him titles and jahgirs. But Raghunathpant was a man of sterling worth. He replied fearlessly that he thirsted not for gold and would never break faith with his master. So in this also the besiegers were foiled. All their resources had been tried to no purpose. Johar’s resolution began to waver. His mind vacillated between opposite extremes. At one moment he thought to postpone the siege till after the rains, spend the interval at Bijapur, and after the enforced inactivity recommence the siege on a greater scale. Then again he thought he had led such vast forces to disgrace and ruin, without performing any feat of arms worthy of the sacrifice. His return to Bijapur would have no other construction than an inglorious defeat, and draw down the sultan’s wrath upon his devoted head. Better then to spend the autumn in this inclement place with the chance of renewing the siege after the monsoon storms had exhausted themselves. He resolved to encamp at Gajapur between Panhala and Vishalgad. This proposal became known to the army. The despondent soldiery were seized with consternation and clamoured for furlough. Nothing could assuage their fears. Their obstinacy increased from day to day. It was plain Johar could not persevere to remain around Panhala with a discontented army. With great reluctance he broke up his camp and ordered a retreat to be sounded for the walls of Bijapur.

Ali Adil Shaha took it much to heart that all his great army should have returned home without achieving any success worth the name. Sidi Johar had only achieved this hat the army he led back to Bijapur was considerably reduced in numbers compared to the army he had led forth upon the enterprise. The sultan was a rash and choleric man by disposition, and Johar’s failure was not calculated to put him in good humour. Envious courtiers added fuel to the fire. They circulated a rumour that Sidi had been corrupted by Shivaji, that his escape from Panhala was due to a collusion. Had Sidi Johar been in earnest he would surely have surrounded Vishalgad. Far from doing so, the traitor had continued his make-belief siege of Panhala, and had now impudently arrived at Bijapur to practise further impostures upon his royal master. The credulous monarch readily believed these stories and accused Sidi Johar of premeditated treachery. Sidi was so offended with these imputations of treason that he became quite frantic with rage. He raved and fumed, violently affirming his innocence. But this defiant manner only served to confirm the sultan in his belief of Johar’s treason.

At Shivaji’s court there was joy and revelry. The state had tided over a great storm. The ruler had escaped from grave personal danger by the skin of his teeth. Baji Deshpande’s self-sacrificing heroism was the cause of all this jubilation. Shivaji invited Baji’s son, Balaji Baji, to his presence and having expressed his admiration of the great services of the hero, invested the young man with the father’s honours. Balaji Baji was given the government of those hill-forts which had lately been under his father. He was given the honorary title of bakshi or paymaster of the forces, and a jahgir for his maintenance. Baji’s seven brothers were similarly presented to Shivaji, honoured with stipendiary grants and state palanquins for the maintenance of their dignities, and appointed to the offices of paymasters of forces (sabnis) over the Mavali corps.

Raghunath Ballal, the defender of Panhala, came in also for a share of the royal favour. His services were handsomely acknowledged by his appointment to the governorship of Panhala and the country in its sphere of influence. He acquitted himself in his new civil duties just as creditably as he had discharged his military duties in the late war. He rallied the poor peasantry who had deserted their homes and farms in the troublous times of the siege. He made new revenue settlements to suit their convenience. He established in them a confidence of security and undisturbed enjoyment of their gains and increased the total output of revenue by putting new lands under cultivation.

While the siege of Panhala was in progress, the Sidi of Janjira pursuing the compact with Sidi Johar had launched his naval forces against the Konkan regions that had been acquired by Shivaji. It will be remembered that at the outset of his defensive campaign Shivaji had entrusted the conduct of the Konkan war to Raghunathpant Korde. The Abyssinians gained several advantages in the beginning. Their two chiefs Khairat Khan and Yakub Khan had even advanced to lay siege to the fort of Tala when the tidings came to them that Shivaji had sallied out of the besieging lines round Panhala, beaten off his pursuers, and was coming thence on his way to Raigad. The news filled them with dismay and they hastened to raise the siege. Raghunathpant had now a fresh lease of activity. He retrieved his losses, drove off the enemy, and reduced the Abyssinian harbour of Danda-rajpuri. The Abyssinians now made overtures for peace. The campaign was thus brought to a triumphant conclusion. The Sidi gave to Raghunathpant as a mark of his esteem and appreciation presents of costly apparel and a horse with trappings.[8]

And now the Sawants of Wadi remained. It will be remembered that the plan of the Bijapur government was that simultaneously with the invasion of Sidi Johar the chiefs of Janjira and Wadi were to overrun the Konkan in concert. Acting upon this plan the Sawants, had assumed the aggressive in the last campaign. Baji Fasalkar[9], a comrade in arms to Shivaji from his earliest youth, was entrusted with the task of chastising the Sawants. Many skirmishes took place, in several of which Baji Fasalkar came off victorious. At length Kai Sawant with an army of five thousand, re-inforced by the Abyssinians of Janjira, advanced upon Baji Fasalkar. A decisive battle took place at Rajapur. Fasalkar himself, sword in hand, fought the enemy in every part of the field. Fasalkar and Kai Sawant were at last brought face to face. The battle now resolved itself into a duel between these opposing leaders. The combat was fiercely disputed, though each leader had received several wounds at the hand of the other. Both received mortal wounds and the same moment sank lifeless on the field. Fasalkar’s men, though their chief had fallen, did not get dispirited, but fought their way to victory. Shivaji mourned the death of Baji Fasalkar as of a dear companion in arms and resolved to avenge it on the Sawant and the Sidi in whose quarrel his life had been sacrificed.

2 . Footnotes

1.   Another version of the capture of Panhala is as follows: - Shivaji had long meditated the capture of this fort, but had been deterred by the difficulties of the task. To effect its capture, Shivaji made use of a stratagem. He made a pretence of discharging from his service some seven or eight hundred of his followers, who representing that they were discharged by Shivaji offered their services to the governor of Panhala and were enrolled for garrison duty at that fort. Subsequently Shivaji laid siege to Panhala, when some members of the besieging party were secretly admitted under cover of night by the ex-soldiers of Shivaji and by their united arms the defenders of the fort were defeated and the fort captured.

2.   Faotory Records, Rajapur, quoted by Prof. Sarkar.

3.   According to Chitnis and the Shivadigvijay there was a third general named Sarja Khan.

4.   In Modak’s History of the Adil Shahi Kingdom we have quite a different version of this interview. There it is mentioned that Shivaji begged leave for a friendly interview with Johar in company with two or three of his followers, stating he wanted to sue for pardon and communicate further proposals at the interview. The Sidi was considerably elated with this and made answer that Shivaji might safely entrust himself in his hands, for that though he served the sultan and made the campaign under his orders, he wished him well and would willingly promote the terms of any accommodation proposed by Shivaji. Upon this assurance, Shivaji came down at midnight for a conference with two or three of his chiefs and was courteously entertained by Sidi. Preliminaries were settled and Shivaji returned to the fort. When the sultan heard of these events at Bijapur he was greatly incensed and moved the army to take the command into his own hand and conduct the war against Shivaji. (page 202, Modak’s History of the Adil Shahi Kingdom). Prof. Sarkar apparently follows a similar account, which is based upon the Basatin-i-Salatin.

5.   The Rairi bakhar says that at the head of 20,000 Mavalis Shivaji sallied upon the besieging army and making his way with the sword, effected his escape to Vishalgad with Fazal in his pursuit. The pretence of a treaty to put the besiegers off their guard is not mentioned in this bakhar.

6.   Grant Duff and Ranade following Chitnis say that Shivaji fled to Rangna. It is now generally agreed that the fort to which Shivaji escaped was not Rangna, but Vishalgad. Pandhare Pani is six miles from Vishalgad. The Jedhe Chronology also states that Shivaji escaped to Khelna, which is the same as Vishalgad. Rangna is about 75 miles from Panhala while Vishalgad is nearer. Ranade compared the heroic defence of the mountain pass by Baji Deshpande with the self-sacrifice of Leonidas and his three hundred Spartans at the pass of Thermopylae. The death of Baji in the moment of victory may be compared with the triumphant deaths of the heroes of Guebec, of Corunna and of Trafalgar.

7.   The Tarikh-i -Shivaji calls him Sidi Halal.

8.  Orme says that on his escape from Panhala Shivaji came straight upon Dandarajpuri with a big army and presented despatches purporting to be from the hand of Sidi Johar requiring the Abyssinians to make over the fort of Dandarajpuri in exchange for Panhala. Having no reason to suspect any fraud, since Shivaji’s coming away from Panhala seemed impossible without Johar’s permission, the beguiled Abyssinian chief made over Dandarajpuri to Shivaji. Later his suspicions were roused and be refused to part with Janjira,

9.   Fasalkar was one of the earliest companions of Shivaji’s childhood and second to none in valour and uprightness among his leaders. Versed in all the arts of war, he was distinguished for a powerful physique. He was originally a resident of Muse Khore (the valley of the Musa) and was deshmukh of eight villages. He lived at the village of Kurdu near Chhatri-Nizampura, at the foot of Raigad and defended the entrance to its defile. According to the powadas he possessed three incomparable jewels in his far-famed shield, and sword, and mare, the last named Yeshwanta (i.e. Victrix) being coveted by the Bijapur sarkar and the innocent cause of a combat between Fasalkar and Sonoo Dalvi, who had come to carry her by force to Bijapur.

References